by Frédéric Lordon. Paperback; Ebook; Hardback. Paperback. Paperback with free ebook. $$% off. pages / June / Thomas Piketty’s thousand-page economics bestseller reduces capital to mere wealth — leaving out its political impact on social and economic (). Willing Slaves Of Capital: Spinoza And Marx On Desire [Frederic Lordon] on *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Why do people work for other .

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A Structuralism of Feeling? Alberto Toscano on Frédéric Lordon

Capital should offer compensation to the unemployed and to casual workers, compensation for falls in income, for the flexibilisation and casualisation of employment, and the disruption to daily life: The media sold Piketty as the new Marx, but did not mention his background. Finance has been globalised and nobody had taken any notice, but it is now clear that everything is not rosy.

Globalised solutions In line with its own unvoiced assumptions, orthodoxy requires a solution in the style of Jacques Attali first president of the European Bank: Giving up on trying to change structures means taking palliative measures. Which is to say, odious like never before.

Two central essays attempt to recast the question of institutions, challenging retooled theorizations of legitimacy, with their persistent disavowal of struggle, and exploring with Spinoza the motivational power of the feeling of indignation, culminating in a reflection on French factory occupations of the early s.

Willing Slaves of Capital.

There is also a clear risk of depoliticisation, in that events taking place over decades become minor fluctuations when seen from the perspective of millennia. They are helpless against their despotic employers, who are well aware that dividing them linguistically makes it easier to rule them.

Willing Slaves of Capital: Willing Slaves of Capital. For that is the whole point of the left. La Politique du capital situates the battle of the banks within the longer-run transformation of Atlantic capitalism.

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Frédéric Lordon: What’s left for the left?

Political crises, uprisings and what we will generally call, following Spinoza, “seditions”, appear then as a bifurcation in the dynamics of the collective affects. Basically capital is able to tell society lodron now that globalisation has broadened its scope for strategic offshoring and arbitrage: But he is still willing to wear a false beard.

As has always been the case, the issues will be resolved by events, in an unpredictable way. But capital is also able to fredsric salaried workers hostage collectively, because its position in society means that it controls production, the launch of projects and investment — which it can easily suspend if it judges that its demands have not been fully satisfied.

That would be too much for him: Lordon was born on 15 th January This neoliberal transition required the mobilization of the state, at least for its initial coup de force.

Long-term intellectual and political habits are hard to overcome. The first problem is his insistence on taking an ultra-long-term view — which is welcome, given how little most economists know about history, but creates its own problems. Reviewed by Abhijeet Paul In the three chapters—more like three theses—Lordon explores the reasons for our general desire to be enslaved by modern work and the workplace Sign up here for discounts and quicker purchasing.

Economist Frédéric Lordon – Biography, Theories and Books

The form and intensity of this slavery are determined by the historical circumstances under which capitalism is manifested — for in practice, there are many different kinds of capitalism.

What does exist is the historical course of capitalism, as determined by institutional configurations, their succession controlled mainly by political processes; each of them brings particular forms of the servitude that capital — not wealth — imposes on labour.

These conditions would be nothing out of the ordinary. But it is difficult to discuss such issues from scratch vrederic when one does not know how to respond properly, not knowing about whole areas and without the words to describe what can be seen.

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But Piketty is quite unable to see things in a light that would show up the specifically political factors in the history of capitalism. Lordon played an instrumental role in the rise of the Fredrric debout movement.

The results have been mixed. Edited by Daniel LevyMax Penskyet al.

Frédéric Lordon – Wikipedia

These depend on the organisation of structures in the particular era, the federic of political struggles — of class struggles. Contesting the supremacy of capital also means making it face up to its responsibility for the wrongs it has done to society. He fails to mention general strikes, social struggles, the power struggle between capital and labour, and their institutional consequences. RI thinks all these are our destiny.

The dictum is especially important in a moment of crisis, such as our own, in which the price of self-delusion is all the greater. Alberto Toscano 12 April It was not the rescue itself that was scandalous; it was the fact that they were saved without anything being asked of them in return, that they were implicitly given carte blanche to go straight back to their old tricks.

It is a tyranny, sweetened perhaps by consumption and entertainment, but still a tyranny. Monetary inequality has a great virtue: It is therefore easy to see that being leftwing means adopting a certain stance towards capital.

In his most recent works, direct responses to the Eurozone crisis, this concern with our collective investments in institutional frederjc state power comes to the fore.